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The concept of Panchayat Feminism in Kerala has been developed by Chathukulam and John, two decentralisation activists based at Kottayam, Kerala, India. The reference to gender issues in the Decentralised Planning in Kerala has not led to a reprioritisation of needs from that perspective or effect a spread effect of these ideas on the political parties and the society in general. Gender has been one of the key facets of the Decentralised Planning in Kerala. J.Devika,(2005)quoting Anne Mary Goetz, says that the political effectiveness of women depends on the strength of the gender interest lobby in civil society, the credibility of the feminist politicians and the capability of the state to enforce gender commitments, and on each of these counts, decentralisation has "bleak record". She argues that the decentralised planning in Kerala "sought to recognise women as a group and ensure it a fair share in the distribution of resources; but neither such recognition nor the conceren for such redistribution was forthcoming in wider political and civil societies". She however admits that although in the short run the SHGs have not been able to take up gender justice issues as the discourse was couched largely in terms of domesticated women, the turn that they may take in future will determine the real potential of these groups. Chathukulam and John found that mere 33 percent presence has not led to the development of a critical mass capable of changing the norms of politics from its masculine moorings. Instead the elected women have been socialised into the male political styles and pirorities. The absence of representation or critical mass at the party level is crucial because, in many places, particularly in the leftist strongholds, the party alrenates as a partriarchal institution under its supposedly gender- neutral label. Although women's participation has increased both in absolute terms and as a share of the total participants, this has not been translated into influence in plan-related decision-making. For gender planning "a major obstacle is the way in which women's development is conceived". Goetz says, "Assigned to roles as wives, mothers, and home-makers, women can develop sex-role-limited perceptions of their interests, linking their concerns primarily to household well-being". The political parties in Kerala obviously relegate women members to a subordinate women's wing. Party discipline prevents women and feminists from working across party lines to advance women's rights. Yet some kind of a non-challenging "panchayat feminism" has emerged in Kerala at the gram panchayat level. Its features include reservation of one third of seats, mandatory allocation of ten percetn of funds, creation of large number of SHGs, focus on women in anti-poverty programmes, creation of Jagratha Samithis (Women's Vigilance Councils) and enhancement of the number of women in the Gram Sabha meetings. The focus of this type of 'panchayat feminism' is more on livelihood related issues without crossing the precincts of women's received domestic role, and hence there have been very little efforts to address strategic gender needs. The number of women approaching the Gram panchayat for welfare assistance has also increased over the years surpassing that of the males in Kerala. This also applies to some extent in the Block Panchayats. This type of 'panchayat feminism' does not have the potential to expand the political space for women by securing more party nominations than the mandatory one third of all seats. Hence, the possibility of an all women gram panchayat, which existed in states like Karnataka and Maharastra, is unthinkable in Kerala.

Footnotes
* Director, Centre for Rural Management (CRM), Kottayam, Kerala, India.
* Professor, School of Gandhian Thought and Development Studies, Mahatma Gandhi University, Kottayam, Kerala.