Malays{{•}}Jakun }}
The Orang Darat () or the Orang Hutan () are an indigenous ethnic group that inhabits the interior forests of the Riau Islands, specifically in the island of Rempang which is administratively part of the city of Batam. The village they currently live in is only Kampung Sadap. Their tendency to migrate after marrying into other ethnic groups, most of whom call themselves Malays, reluctant to acknowledge their roots as Orang Darat, hastened the extinction of the population.
They are one of three indigenous peoples classified as Rempang Malays, the others are the Galang Malays (descendants of Malays from Galang Island) and the Orang Laut (sea nomads who live on the coast of the island or offshore). Some others who are less well known are the Sabimba people (of Bugis descent) who live in the forests around Senimba Bay. They have been influenced by Sunni Islam, the roots of which date back to the time of the Riau-Lingga Sultanate.
Etymology
The name "Orang Darat" () itself comes from the name given to them because they live on land, unlike the "Orang Laut" () who spend their lives at sea. The outsiders, especially Malays, prefer to call them "Orang Hutan" (), because they live in the interior of the forest and depend on natural resources.
In the Dutch documentation, Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal, Land en Volkenkunde, Deel LXX Aflevering I (Journal of Language, Land and Ethnology of the Dutch East Indies, Volume LXX Issue I), 1930, using the term "Orang Darat" or "Orang Oetan (Hutan)" for the native inhabitants of the island of Rempang. However, the name "Orang Hutan" has negative connotations for them, because the term is similar to the orangutan species and they prefer the term "Orang Darat".
Origin
According to the book entitled Orang Darat di Pulau Rempang Tersisih Dampak Pembangunan Kota Batam (2023) written by Dedi Arman, summarized in several literatures, the Orang Darat comes from three different regions. It is suspected that the Orang Darat originated from Lingga, Terengganu in Malaysia, and from Siantan Island, which is now part of the Anambas Islands.
Different in linguistic observations, Wink in 1930, said that the Orang Darat were similar to the indigenous people in Malaysia, namely, the Orang Jakun in Johor and Pahang. Meanwhile, German linguist, Hans Kähler, believes that the Orang Darat are related to the indigenous people of Malaysia, namely the Orang Senoi. He processed Dutch colonial data from the Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indië (1939).
In that 1939 report, the Orang Darat represented the nomadic pre-Malay population. The Orang Darat live a nomadic life, exchanging forest products for food and bartering used goods with Chinese traders. They live from hunting and fishing as well. Some of Kähler's findings indicate that the Orang Darat had a weapon similar to a blowpipe (sumpit). Likewise, their only pet is a dog. The Orang Darat live a monogamous life and have no official tribal chief.
Dedi Arman, a researcher at the National Research and Innovation Agency (Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional; BRIN), said that there has been no research confirming the origin of the Orang Darat in Rempang. But they represent an Proto-Malay heritage population. From time to time, several pieces of literature also mention that the Orang Darat is in a state of threatened extinction. Ahmad Dahlan, in his book entitled Sejarah Melayu (2014), actually explains that the Orang Darat in Rempang came from Sri Lanka.
History
Batam, which is known as a developing city, has an inland area in the forests of the islands of Rempang and Galang. Here live the native people of Batam, both from the Orang Laut and the Orang Darat, or what were previously also known as the Orang Hutan. It is known that since the opening of the island of Rempang through the presence of the Barelang Bridge, the lives of the Orang Darat have become increasingly marginalized. Those who usually live nomadically in the Rempang forests are being pushed out by the settlements and businesses of the newcomers there.
The Orang Darat are distinct from the Orang Laut. Although they are considered indigenous to the Riau Islands, their lifestyles are distinct. As the name suggests. The Orang Darat live on land, inhabiting the forests of the islands of Batam and Rempang. Meanwhile, the Orang Laut live at sea, living around the islands of Lingga and Bintan. However, they are known to be related based on the same ancestry from the Proto-Malay.
Archives from the Dutch colonial era written by P. Wink on 4 February 1930, mention that there was an indigenous people on the island of Rempang from the writings of J.G. Shchot published in De Indische Gids in 1882. Legend has it that they originated from the island of Lingga. However, there is no clear information about this origin. These Orang Darat are similar to the indigenous people of Johor and Pahang, the Orang Jakun. Apart from that, the Orang Darat are also known to be closely related to the Orang Barok on Lipan Island (Lingga) and the Orang Kuala on Tanjung Batu (Karimun).
The Orang Darat on Rempang live in huts without walls and only roofs. Apart from living in Rempang, there are also they who live on the island of Batam. According to P. Wink, in that year the number of Orang Darat there was around 36 people. This consisted of 8 men, 12 women, and 16 children. They make their living by farming and gathering forest products. When the tide is high, they search for crabs and sea cucumbers. These are then traded with Chinese people who own gambier plantations in the area. They also enjoyed drinking alcoholic beverages and smoking tobacco, which they obtained from the Chinese traders using a barter system, in exchange for rattan that they collected from the forest.
It is generally known that civilization in Rempang and its surroundings only existed in the 19th century, or around 1834. If we look deeper, life on Rempang, Galang, and its surroundings has existed since the time of the Malacca Sultanate, a Malay kingdom centered in the city of Malacca. This was revealed by Dedi Arman, a History Researcher at the Regional Research Center, National Research and Innovation Agency (BRIN). In the 19th century, said Dedi, there were many reports or files stating that the Dutch official, Elisha Netscher, had visited Rempang around 1946. At that time, Rempang was already inhabited by many people, who came from the Galang Malays, Orang Darat, and Orang Laut.
Around 1973, the central government, through the Department of Social Affairs, made a policy to settle the Orang Darat, Through the Isolated Community Welfare Development (Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Masyarakat Terasing; PKMT) program, the Orang Darat were resettled in one location, Kampung Sadap in the district of Galang. Kampung Sadap was chosen because the forest is still well-maintained and close to the sea and river. This village is also close to Kampung Cate, one of the areas that was inhabited by the Malay people in 1973. Administratively, in 1973, Kampung Sadap was included in the district of South Bintan.
Population
The establishment of the island of Batam as an industrial development area by the Batam Island Industrial Area Development Authority has undoubtedly impact on the lives and population of the Orang Darat. The presence of the Barelang Bridge has made people from the city of Batam flock to open businesses in Rempang and Galang. Plantation and agricultural businesses emerged in Rempang and Galang. Then there were livestock, coal, and charcoal kilns.
The impact of land clearing has been felt by a small population of Orang Darat. Those who traditionally move from one forest to another are increasingly marginalized in Kampung Sadap. According to National Research and Innovation Agency (Badan Riset dan Inovasi Nasional; BRIN) research, as of August 2021, the Orang Darat only occupy two hectares of land in Kampung Sadap. Apart from their habitat becoming smaller, their numbers are also decreasing.
The population of the Orang Darat is known to be steadily declining. According to Kähler's research, published in Berlin in 1960, there were 30 individuals. 13 of them were in Batu Aji, Batam and 17 others were in Rempang. Then in 1975, in an article in Tempo published in June 1975, it was stated that there were 19 Orang Darat people. They settled in Kampung Sadap. The article stated that the condition of the Orang Darat was worrying because only three women remained. Since Rempang began to be visited by many immigrants, they have married people from outside the Orang Darat, for example, Malays, Sundanese, and even Flores.
In 2008, Tempo wrote a release stating that the number of land people in Kampung Sadap in 1995 was 12 families. The BRIN research stated that in 2014 the number of Orang Darat remained at only 8 families. Then this number shrank again in 2021, the number of Orang Darat was reduced to 4 families with 9 people in Kampung Sadap. Besides in Kampung Sadap, there is 1 family living in Kampung Cate.
The shrinking population of the Orang Darat is due to some deciding to migrate to other islands and no longer recognizing themselves as Orang Darat, and also due to many dying from illness. Another reason is the limited number of Orang Darat, making it difficult for them to find partners. A number of Orang Darat men aged between 30 and 40 years were found to be unmarried. In Kampung Sadap, only one Orang Darat man has children and that is because he married a woman from West Java.
A report released by Kompas on 18 February 2023, revealed that the number of Orang Darat on Rempang was only 5 people. This number was revealed by the Head of RT 003/RW 001, Rempang Cate Urban Village. It's said, that the Orang Darat still live in wooden houses in the forest. The difference is that they no longer live a nomadic lifestyle, as their forests have dwindled and they've also adapted to food availability. This number has even decreased rapidly compared to the 1970s, according to BRIN research, namely 30 families.
The five Orang Darat remaining in 2023 were Lamat, Senah (Lamat's father-in-law), Opo (Lamat's younger brother), Tongku, and Baru (Lamat's nephew). Meanwhile, Lamat's wife had died from an illness. Of the five remaining Orang Darat, only Tongku had children. He married a Sundanese woman from West Java and had three children. According to Mongabay in 2024, the population of Orang Darat of mixed and pure descent was estimated at 50–60 people with an estimated 15 families. However, other sources state that in January 2024 the number was less than 10 families.
Religion
In Wink's notes in 1930, although the Orang Darat were considered adherents of native religion, they recognized the concept of "Allah". They are also said to have a tradition of ancestor reverence, based on fear of revenge from the deceased. However, since the 1960s, they have embraced Islam.
Lifestyle
The Orang Darat usually live under large trees in makeshift buildings made of plywood and wood. They who have long lived in forests are susceptible to various diseases, such as beriberi, and malaria. When the forests on Rempang were still vast, they lived nomadically or moved around to adapt to the availability of food in the area. However, nowadays they are no longer nomadic because food supplies are dwindling, considering that the forests they inhabit are getting smaller.
Because the forests in Rempang are almost gone, the Orang Darat finally try to survive by looking for food in the sea. However, they are only skilled at catching crabs and fish with traps (bubu) on the coast. This is because their lifestyle differs from that of the Orang Laut. Due to changes in their place of residence, many Orang Darat no longer follow their traditional lifestyle and mix with other immigrant communities.
They are also known to like drinking palm wine (tuak), which causes them to fall ill and die. Because they limit their contact with the outside world, they end up having difficulty accessing health services. Many members of the Orang Darat died without proper medical attention. This also led to their dwindling population. Because their habit of living in the forest also makes it difficult for them to interact with people outside their group. Even so, the Orang Darat is known to be shy. It takes time to make sure they are comfortable talking to outsiders.
Physical characteristics
According to Kähler's (1960) report, the physical characteristics of the Orang Darat include their faces and bodies. These include round faces and snub noses. The men have medium-length beards, dark brown eyes, and smaller lips than the average Malays. While the female features have Chinese influences mixed with Malays, hair color varies from dark brown to jet black. Their hair is usually cut evenly around the head at ear level. But in general it is not much different from other Malays.
Language
German linguist, Hans Kähler, in his research entitled Ethnographische und linguistische Studien über die Orang Darat, Orang Akit, Orang Laut, Orang Utan im Riau-Archipel und auf den Inseln an der Ostküste von Sumatra (1960), stated that the Orang Darat have a different language and culture from the Orang Laut who inhabit the area. It was emphasized that the language used by the Orang Darat in Rempang was different from the Orang Laut language in Lingga, the Orang Akit language in Rupat, and Orang Hutan language in the Meranti Islands.
Linguistically, according to Kähler, the Orang Darat language is similar to the language of the indigenous people of Malaysia, namely the Jakun language in Johor and Pahang. This is based on the monitoring of Dutch people who have interacted with the Orang Darat since the 19th century. Elisha Netscher made a visit, and his notes were published in the Beschrijving Van Een Gedeelte Der Residentie Riouw (1849).
In addition to Hans Kähler, two linguists from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia; LIPI), Harimurti Kridalaksana and Zulkarnain, in the 1970s, to the island of Rempang to explore the language spoken by the Orang Darat, whom they called Orang Hutan because they lived in the Rempang forest. Found in the kinship system, the greetings used by the Orang Darat in everyday life are quite different from the Galang dialect of Riau Malay.
Examples of kinship greeting vocabulary in the Orang Darat language are as follows:
- neneng 'children's greetings to their male parents'
- nemang 'greetings to the female parents'
- mamak 'greetings to one's father and mother's brothers'
- amai 'greetings to one's father's and mother's sisters'
- cucuk 'greetings from grandparents to their grandchildren'
- apai 'greetings from grandchildren to their grandfathers'
- moyang 'greetings from a grandchild to his grandmother'
- oi 'greetings from a wife to her husband'
- bah 'greetings from a younger sibling to his older brother'
- kak 'a younger sister's greeting to an older sister'
- To address relatives of the same age or generation, use their names only. Older people call younger ones by name only.
According to Suarman & Galba (1993), the Orang Darat language is grouped into Old Malay. Their language has no levels, with everyone speaking the same language so they understand each other. However, to communicate with the Malays and outside their group, the Orang Darat usually use the Galang dialect of Riau Malay and Indonesian language. Their native language is even said to be almost or even extinct. Their language is not even understood by the average outsider.
The Orang Darat language is less understandable to people outside their community. However, according to them, the language is not very different from the Galang dialect of Riau Malay, considering the high assimilation of the Orang Darat into Malay people, also absorb Malay vocabulary into their language into it. Most the Orang Darat can no longer speak their native language because of the lack of their numbers to meet makes it difficult for them to communicate using the their native language.
Culture
Traditional house
Several coconut leaves are depicted floating in the middle of the forest on the island of Rempang. If you look closely, this roof is made from coconut leaves supported by small pieces of wood, which provided shelter in the middle of the Rempang forest at that time. There are no walls or floors like a normal house.
That is a portrait of the house of the Orang Darat as written by P. Wink, a Dutch national. He wrote this testimony in a travelogue entitled Verslag van een bezoek aan de Orang Darat van Rempang on 4 February 1930. This is a report of a visit to the Orang Darat on the island of Rempang at that time.
Settlement
The traditional settlement of the Orang Darat can be reached by traveling by boat through a small river in the mangrove forest south of Rempang. After arriving on land, there is immediately a path leading to the Orang Darat village, which consists of around 7 settlements called poendoeng 'village', known as kampung 'village' in Malay language. This is the report of P. Wink who visited Rempang, summarized in a book entitled Verslag van een bezoek aan de Orang Darat van Rempang on 4 February 1930.
Traditional names
From P. Wink's visit in 1930, several Orang Darat were met, including 8 men named Sarip, Rotjoh, Alam, Timoer, Lentok, Otah, Sindah, and Tjano. Then also, 12 women named Oengkai, Timah, Okam, Djelima, Soeleh, Tjétjé, Piai, Ia, Panéh, Perak, Soebang, and Lengah (the last four are widows), and 16 children named Benang, Boelan, Bintang, Oetjik, Adik, Monggoh, Kèdah, Gibang, Bidik, Abak, Dadik, and other girls, and Boental, Kanting, Toenggal, Oetoel, Akin, and other boys.
From their names, the influence of Malay names can be seen. Among them are Timah (Fatimah), Perak, Kedah, Abak, Toenggal, Boental, Boelan, Bintang, Ocik, and Lengah which are common terms for Malay. While other names represent their own unique naming etymology which is less common among other Malay people. Because their names are mononymous, their given names will be supplemented with their parents' names, for example Lamat anak Kosot. The word anak 'son' in the middle is an addition which can be interpreted as 'Lamat son of Kosot', similar to the pre-Islamic Malay name. However, after the arrival of Islam, it was changed to bin 'son', for example, Lamat bin Kosot.
Calendar and time
In Wink's notes, the Orang Darat is also said to not recognize years, dates, or even days. In harmony with the words of the elders of the Orang Darat, "I don't know what year, because I didn't go to school". Even the Orang Darat usually can't remember important times in their history. Usually remembering by describing life stories in the form of time based on personal development.
Daily consumption
Socially, the Orang Darat did not yet consume rice (beras). They eat sago and small fish caught by the parents off the coast of Rempang. They obtained their sago through a barter system with the Chinese people who were already present around Rempang. For example, the harvest of merawan bark was exchanged for sago.
The Orang Darat used to depend on the forest for their livelihood. They gathered everything from the forest to survive. From gathering bark to sell to harvesting stingless bee honey for consumption. They also hunted when the forests were still extensive in Rempang. They consumed almost all the animals. In Wink's travel notes in 1930, the Orang Darat did not recognize any prohibitions on eating certain meats, including pork, monkeys, and even snakes, except for venomous snakes.
Tradition
Death
Some sources mention that they moved residence when a member of the Orang Darat family died. They believe that the spirits of deceased family members will disturb them if they don't move. This habit has finally changed since they embraced Islam in the 1960s.
They are said to have a tradition of respect for ancestors, based on the fear of revenge from the deceased. The tradition is passed down from generation to generation through 7, 40, and 100 days of offering food at the grave of the deceased, while shouting, "hoen makan!".
Wedding
The marriage tradition of the Orang Darat, written by Wink, is based on the agreement between the man and woman with a dowry of two heaps of rice. However, now marriages in the Orang Darat are gradually becoming like other Malay people, with prayers for safety and warding off disaster.
In the Orang Darat's wedding customs, the groom must chase the bride around a large tree chosen for the purpose. If he gets the woman, then the marriage is over, but if he is too slow, then it will be fruitless.
See also
- Proto-Malay
- Orang Laut
- Malays (ethnic group)
References
Category:Ethnic groups in Indonesia Category:Ethnic groups in Sumatra Category:Modern nomads
Batak{{•}}Acehnese }}
The Pesisir people (Pesisir: Ughang Pasisi) is an ethnic group spread along the west coast of North Sumatra, Indonesia. Its distribution includes Mandailing Natal, Central Tapanuli, and Sibolga. They are descendants of the Minangkabau people who migrated to Tapanuli in the 14th century and mixed with other ethnic groups, namely the Malays, Batak and Acehnese.
The history of the formation of the Pesisir people is not much different from the history of the formation of the Aneuk Jamee people on the west coast of Aceh, the Negeri Sembilan Malays in the Malay Peninsula, and several other ethnic groups who are the diaspora of the Minangkabau people since centuries ago.
Etymology
The names "Pesisir" or "Pasisi" mean an 'area on the coast'. The name "Pesisir people" for the ethnic group living on the west coast of North Sumatra was never known until the end of the 20th century. This term is used to distinguish between ethnic groups on the west coast of North Sumatra and the Batak people in the interior. Based on the geographical space of ethnicity compiled by Collet (1925), Cunningham (1958), Reid (1979), and Sibeth (1991), on the west coast of North Sumatra there are several ethnic groups who are not ethnically part of the Batak ethnic group. The group are Minangkabau immigrants from Pagaruyung who migrated to the west coast of Tapanuli centuries ago. In its development, the term Pesisir people is more used to emphasize the political interests of the people of Sibolga and Central Tapanuli, especially to avoid the domination of the Batak people from the interior.
History
In the 14th century, many Minangkabau people migrated to the coast of Tapanuli. The purpose was to make Barus as one of the ports of the Pagaruyung Kingdom, along with Tiku and Pariaman, which became the outlet of trade on the west coast of Sumatra. Their arrival in Barus led to the displacement of the Tamil traders who had been trading in the town for hundreds of years.
A wave of group migration led by Sultan Ibrahimsyah, a nobleman from the Pesisir Selatan. This group went on to create the Sultanate of Barus which became one of the vassals of the Pagaruyung Kingdom that had a strong influence on the west coast of Sumatra. The arrival of Minangkabau people continues to complete the form of Tapanuli residents who have thousands of cities in Sibolga. The Dutch East Indies government employed many of them to fill labor and government positions. Since the early 19th century, people from the interior of Toba Batak, Angkola, and Mandailing have begun to settle in Barus, Sorkam, and Sibolga. They assimilated with the Minangkabau people and formed a group of Pesisir people. In the 2000 census, the Pesisir people was classified as an ethnic group distinct from the Batak. In 2008, most the Pesisir people did not like to join the Toba Batak people to explain province of Tapanuli.
Distribution
The Pesisir people are found in Central Tapanuli, Sibolga, parts of South Tapanuli, Natal in Mandailing Natal, and also recent migration to Medan.
Language
The language used by the Pesisir people is one of the dialects of the Minangkabau language. The Pesisir language is an acculturation of two languages, namely Minangkabau and Malay, and there are some vocabulary taken from Batak and Acehnese. This mixture of languages is known as the Pesisir language which became the language of everyday communication (lingua franca) on the west coast of North Sumatra.
Customs and culture
As a region of Minangkabau, the culture of the coastal ethnic group is greatly influenced by the culture of Minangkabau or known as Adaik Sumando (). The customs and culture of the Pesisir people that are similar to the culture of Minangkabau is in welcoming guests, where the Pesisir people also uses parsambahan dance. Although not following the matrilineal system, the Pesisir people also has a chief who is called a mamak. To address a woman's sister, the Pesisir people also uses the terms mak tuo, mak angah, and mak etek. As for the call to the brother, is the terms tuan adik, ndak ogek, kak uti, and ndak ajo, and to refer to siblings, among others, uniang, acik, cek angah, and teti/teta.
The Pesisir people performing arts include sikambang art, senyum Minang manis, bagala duo baleh, and randai dances. In the custom of marriage, the Pesisir people usually conduct a night procession bainai and manjapuk which is also found in many other Minangkabau regions. For a nobleman to the Pesisir people, still given the title of Sutan and Marah that we can find in the Minangkabau people behind his name.
Naming people and surnames
In addition to maintaining some aspects of Minangkabau culture, such as language, art, and culinary, the Pesisir people also adopted some aspects of Batak culture. Among them is the use of the surname behind the main name, the general form of the Batak people in the interior. Some of the famous figures of the Pesisir people include Akbar Tanjung, Feisal Tanjung, Chairul Tanjung, and .
See also
- Aneuk Jamee people
- Batak people
- Minangkabau people
- Mukomuko people
References
External links
Category:Ethnic groups in Indonesia Category:Minangkabau people
Abui{{•}}Klon |footnotes = }}
The Beilel people are an ethnic group inhabiting Alor Island in the province of East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia. Administratively, they inhabit the hamlets of Lola and Habollat in the Southwest Alor district of Alor Regency. Previously they were speakers of the Beilel language, before its extinction, almost all Beilel people currently speak Kafoa, Alor Malay, and Indonesian. They are often classified as part of their larger neighboring the Kafoa people in terms of population.
Many factors influence the decline in the population of the Beliel people, including language shifts, intermarriage, migration, and the large number of immigrants living in their settlements. Even though they are a minority, they are the holders of customary land rights in the village of North Probur-Habollat. Their customary land stretches from the north of the Buaya River as a natural boundary, continuing south for approximately 15 km to the Wokang River which flows into the Lanleki village.
Origin
The Beilel people have an origin myth that they are descended from pigs. Pigs are highly revered by the Beilel people, they have a mantra containing nicknames for pigs and their praise in the Beilel language. The mantra is:
Munafe kakafe pekikika pemirafea akan hiarfe late amengfe wife ameape hiarpe mulangpe hokame hirianeawin dihokamae nuna abe alea. Hot hot hot.
Translation:
Muna pigs, kato pigs, red pigs, white pigs, black pigs, reed pigs, prairie pigs, rock pigs, land pigs, earth pigs, sky pigs, master has come to give you food, the food in the pot is already cooked, come quickly.
According to mythological stories, the origins of the Beilel people come from the descendants of Mama Beilel's ancestors. It is said that Mama Beilel was the first woman to settle on the face of the earth in the customary forest area of the Beilel people. The woman later gave birth to a son. Mama Beilel buried the placenta next to her home. In the evening the placenta turned into a pig. Mama Beilel always feeds the pig every night. However, during the day it turns into an oval-shaped black stone. Every day the stone continued to grow, and Mama Beilel continued to feed it every night. In the end there were 30 black stones. One of them had gone to an unknown location, leaving only 29 pieces left. To this day, the Beilel people believes that their ancestors descended from pigs.
History
The place where Mama Beilel, the ancestor of the Beilel people, resided and the offering rituals were carried out by the Beilel people, became the first village of the Beilel people. The site consists of a steep cliff with a flat area at the base where an altar is located. Around the location there are various types of woody plants, bamboo, candlenut, walnut, and coconut, all of which forms a jungle which also has springs that flow throughout the year. Right below the altar there is the headwaters of the Buaya River which flows northward and meets the headwaters of the Wokang River which flows southward and flows into the residential area of Lanleki village (inhabited by Klon speakers). That place was the first village of the Beilel people, but it is not known exactly when they settled in that village. It is estimated that it is around two centuries old (around the 18th or 19th century), with three to four generations living there until 2013.
The second village of the Beilel people is in Laibuk, about 500 m to the west of the Lolong (Bangyah) village site, or about 2 km from the North Probur-Habollat Village Office to the east up the hills. It is estimated that the Beilel people moved to Laibuk village around the early 1950s. This relocation was carried out after an epidemic of disease occurred which resulted in mass deaths of the Beilel people in the previous village. However, another version says that the move actually occurred during the Japanese occupation. They moved to Laibuk village to avoid the disease outbreak that resulted in mass deaths of the Beilel people. It is not known what kind of disease epidemic hit the Beilel village at that time, it is only known that people had fevers in the afternoon and evening, and the next day they suddenly died.
Three Beilel figures who led the move to Laibuk village, namely Matius Malaipin, Hinlik (Koli Tukung), and Rahim Banton. The three of them are Lakmrouk's descendants. Lakmrouk himself died when the Beilel people were still living in the first village and his grave can still be found in Bangyah village. Next, Malaipin and Hinlik (Koli Tukung) died, his grave is in Laibuk village around the 1950s. After Malaipin's death, he had a son named Karim who at that time was still called Kanai Aye which means walnut in the Kafoa language. He was under the care of his mother (Malaipin's second wife) who later married his uncle, Rahim Banton. Rahim Banton then replaced Matius Malaipin as chief of the Beilel people until he died in 1988. Rahim Banton's grave is located at the northern tip of Habollat hamlet, right on the side of the road from Lola hamlet to Habollat hamlet. After the death of Rahim Banton, the position of Beilel tribal chief was held by Karim Malaipin until present.
In the late 1950s, a number of 30 families from Makong Afeng village (the hill above Buraga village, bordering North Probur-Habollat village to the north) consisting of subgroups of the Hamalelang, Balailelang, Dikalelang, Kula Afeng, Kalong Aramang, Fariu Aramang, Kafola Aramang, and Damoi Aramang, all of them are Kafoa speakers, moved to Laibuk village to join the Beilel people. They are immigrants from Munaseli in Pantar. According to their historical records, the war between the Pandai Kingdom and the Munaseli Kingdom in the 14th century made the atmosphere in Munaseli unsafe. This situation encouraged the migration of people out of Pantar. After traveling through several places and lasting quite a long time, starting from Halerman, Wakapsir, Dulolong (Alor Kecil), Mataru, Pintu Mas, Buraga, and finally arrived at a place which was later known as Makong Afeng. Historical evidence of the wanderings of the ancestors of the Habollat people is in the form of gongs and moko which they brought from Munaseli. They built a place of worship in Makong Afeng called Mesbah Moulouk. A sacrificial dance called lego-lego is performed as an offering to the ancestors of the Habollat people, namely Baa who resides in Munaseli.
In the early 1960s, because the location of Laibuk village felt cramped, they were encouraged to move together to what is now Habollat hamlet (the third village). In Habollat hamlet, the Beilel people are still living together with the immigrant ethnic groups from Munaseli. In the course of history, the Beilel people's population migration continued to the present day Lola hamlet (the fourth village). The people who come from Makong Afeng village call themselves Habollat people. The name was taken from the name of the village where they live. This shows a shift in identity, from genealogical ties to territorial ties. They are Protestants. Meanwhile, people who came from the previous Beilel villages still called themselves Beilel people. The name was taken based on genealogical ties with Mama Beilel, their ancestor.
Population
The Beilel people are one of the ethnic groups who live in Lola hamlet (Hamlet A), North Probur-Habollat village, Southwest Alor district, Alor Regency. Other subgroups, namely the Dohin, Bering, Baray, and Kelon Worbi live in Lanleki village (all Klon speakers), then the Hamalelang, Balailelang, Dikalelang, Nalentau, Damoi Aramang, Kula Afeng, Bulaka, Kalong Aramang, Fariu Aramang, Arang Aramang, and Kafola Aramang, live in Habollat hamlet (Hamlet B); among them speak Kafoa. They joined together to call themselves "Habollat people". Except for the Beilel people, the origins of all these subgroups are from Munaseli in Pantar who migrated here.
The number of Habollat people according to the records of the "North Probur-Habollat Village Monograph" in 2010 reached 800 people. The population living in Lola hamlet (Hamlet A) is 423 people, 62 of whom are from the Beilel people, the rest are the Abui, Kui, Kelon (Klon), Pura, and Dulolong (Alor Kecil). They are immigrants who arrived through marriage with local residents or for trade reasons and then settled around the Lola Traditional Market. Overall, the population of North Probur-Habollat village is 1,223 people. The Beilel people is a minority ethnic group compared to other immigrant ethnic groups who live in North Probur-Habollat village. Meanwhile, as many as 18 other Beilel people are spread across several places in Indonesia. With a total of 80 Beilel people in an interview in 2013.
Language
The Beilel language was the mother tongue of the Beilel people before its extinction. Because the Kafoa speakers were the largest among their surroundings, the Beilel people eventually adopted the Kafoa language. But others also speak Alor Malay and Indonesian.
Religion
The Beilel people were originally adherents of ancestral beliefs and Protestantism. However, after living in Lola hamlet (the fourth village), they began converting to Islam. The migration of the Beilel people from Habollat hamlet to Lola hamlet, according to Karim Malaipin (the Beilel tribal chief), is closely related to the problem of inter-ethnic marriage. The Beilel people, because their numbers are small, only three families, are no longer able to pay a dowry in the form of a number of moko. This reason encourages the Beilel people who live in Lola hamlet to marry in the Islamic way, which is considered simpler.
See also
- Ethnic groups in Indonesia
- Kafoa people
- Abui people
References
Category:Ethnic groups in Indonesia Category:Alor Archipelago
Joachim Froment is a Belgian designer whose work focuses on furniture and objects produced using large-scale additive manufacturing. His practice is centered on the use of recycled plastics, digital fabrication, and circular production models.
Education
Froment was trained in industrial and product design in Belgium. His academic background emphasized design engineering, digital manufacturing, and material experimentation, which later informed his interest in additive manufacturing and sustainable production methods. He also has a master's degree from the Royal College of Art in London.
Career
Froment began his professional career working with 3D printing technologies, initially exploring their application beyond prototyping and into functional, full-scale furniture. He became known for experimenting with recycled plastic waste, particularly post-consumer and industrial plastics, which he transformed into usable raw material for large-format 3D printers.
He developed a series of 3D-printed furniture pieces produced from recycled plastic, including seating and structural objects. One of these works, the 0.6 Chair, was presented as an example of monolithic furniture fabricated through extrusion-based 3D printing. His designs typically retain visible layer patterns resulting from the printing process and are produced with limited post-processing. worked on projects that involve local production systems in which plastic waste is collected, recycled, and reused for furniture manufacturing.
References
Category:Belgian designers Category:Furniture designers Category:Industrial designers Category:Living people Category:3D printing Category:Sustainable design